Turkey-Macedonia Relations

13 March 2012
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Since the early 1990s, Turkey has supported developments and regime changes throughout the Balkans given that they do not cause instability in the region. Ankara has tried to manage the changing processes by developing cooperation opportunities and has politically and economically tried to fill the power gap that emerged after the disintegration of the USSR.

The Muslim population in the Balkans, which is nearly 10 million, has been the most important factor in strengthening Turkey’s role in the region. (1)

In the process of the disintegration of Yugoslavia, Turkey, in the beginning, preferred to pursue a balanced policy by advocating the integration of thecountry. In the meantime, both the Yugoslavian federal government and the leaders of the republic Macedonia tried to get support by making negotiations with Turkey. (2) By 1991, Slovenia and Croatia (June 25th), Macedonia (September 8th) and Bosnia-Herzegovina (November) all declared their independence. Thusly, by April 1992, Yugoslavia became a federation consisting of Serbia and Montenegro only. (3)


Subsequent to the recognition of Slovenia and Croatia by the European Union (EU) on January 15th 1992 (and the recognition of Macedonia, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Slovenia and Croatia by Bulgaria), Turkey declared that it recognized all four countries on February 6th 1992.  Diplomatic relations with these countries were officially given a start on August 22nd 1992. (4) Turkey signed a “Security Protocol” with Macedonia on May 18th 1992 and Turkey’s relations with the new Yugoslavia consequently entirely broke off. (5)

Turkey tried to establish good relations with Macedonia, as in the case of the other countries in the Balkans, by supporting the recognition of this country at the international level, its integration into Western organizations, and membership in the EU and NATO. With an area of 25,713 square kilometers and a population of nearly 2,077,328 inhabitants (as of July 2011), Macedonia is a multi-ethnic, multi-faith and multicultural country located in the southeast Europe. The country’s population comprises of ethnic Macedonians (64.2%), Albanians (25.2%), Turks (3.2%), Romanians (2.7%), Serbians (1.8%) and other peoples such as Bosniak and Vlachs (2.2%). 64.7% of Macedonia’s population are Orthodox Christians and 33.3% are Muslims. (6)

Firstly, in this analysis, the history of the “Macedonia Dispute” that puts the country into trouble in terms of its membership in international organizations and its international recognition (which is the country’s most important problem in its international relations) will be analyzed. In the second part of this analysis, political, economical, cultural, and educational relations between Turkey and Macedonia will be analyzed.

The Macedonia Dispute

From the 8th century B.C., ancient Macedonia continues its existence up to the collapse of the Roman Empire. Between 336 and 323 B.C., Alexander the Great established the reat Macedonian empire continued to stretch by extending the Kingdom from Egypt all the way to Northern India. The empire continued its existence under the rule of several states and dynasties such as: the Antigonos Dynasty (of which Alexander the Great was one of the commanders), the Achaemenid Dynasty, the Aetolian League (one of the Greek Leagues), Rome, the Slavs, and the Byzantines. Macedonia was annexed to Ottoman Empire after the Second Battle of Kosovo and stayed under the domination of Ottomans longer than any other Balkan state. Ottoman predominance on Macedonia lasted from the second half of the 14th century up until the Balkan Wars in the early 1900s. (8)

Macedonia has witnessed numerous conflicts due to its multi-ethnicity. The Macedonia Region, of which include natural boundaries such as the Pindus Mountains, Rhodope Mountains and the Aegean Sea, has an economically and politically strategic position in the Balkan Peninsula. (9) Through the Balkan Wars (1912-1913), one of the most important disputes of the region was the Macedonia Dispute.  Before the war, Macedonia was the region comprising of Thessaloniki, Central Bitola (Manastır, in Turkish), the Servia districts, and the Skopje District in Kosovo. Since all of the Balkan countries asserted that their own states had been predominant to the region for the longest time, they had disputes on Macedonian land. The Greeks advocated that the region had been within the boundaries of Greece in the period lasted from the reign of Alexander the Great to the final stage of the Byzantine Empire. On the other hand, Bulgarians asserted that they had Macedonia during the reigns of Krum Khan, Omurtag Khan and Simeon I the Great in the 9th century. The Serbians asserted that they had Macedonia during the reign of Etienne Uros (Stephen Uros III) in the 14th century and both Serbia and Bulgaria claimed Macedonia as their own. (10)

Macedonia, which was an administrative district under Ottoman Empire rule, was given to Bulgaria after the Russo-Turkish War of 1877-1878. Afterwards, Macedonia was given back to the Ottoman Empire during the Congress of Berlin of 1878 and Bulgaria, in its foreign policy, focused on recapturing Macedonia as of that date. With the Treaty of Bucharest signing at the end of the Second Balkan War, the Macedonian region was shared out amongst Greece, Bulgaria and Serbia. In 1945, the Republic of Macedonia was established in Yugoslavia under the leadership of President Josip Tito. However, at the final stage of the Cold War, Macedonia, being affected by nationalistic movements with the effect of economical problems, declared its independence as a result of a plebiscite held in 1991. Thus, Macedonia gained an important place as the only country which separated from former Yugoslavia without resulting in a single conflict within its territories. (11)

Macedonia, one of the successor states of the former Yugoslavia, has been a country that had been both the subject and the object of expansionism. Today’s Macedonia is a geographical region known as the “Vardar Macedonia” of ancient Macedonia. The other parts are known as Aegean Macedonia, which is within the boundaries of today’s Greece, and the Pirin Macedonia, which is within the boundaries of modern day Bulgaria. (12) Although Bulgaria has not recognized the existence of a Macedonian nation, it had recognized the Republic of Macedonia. However, Greece has been formally objecting to the existence of Macedonia since the country was established. With an agreement signed in New York in 1995, Macedonia was forced to make amendments to its constitution, name, and flag in line with Greece’s demands. Eventually, the country did become a member of U.N. under the name of the "Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia” (or FYROM, for short) on April 8th 1993. Many countries however (including Turkey, Bulgaria, and Russia) have officially recognized the country as the “Republic of Macedonia.” (13)

In 1996, Macedonia started to receive financial aid from the EU within the scope of the PHARE Program (Poland and Hungary Assistance for the Restructuring of the Economy), which is a pre-accession financial assistance program originally initiated for Poland and Hungary but was later enlarged to cover ten countries. Moreover, in 2001, a fund has been appropriated for Macedonia by EU within the scope of the CARDS program (Community Assistance for Reconstruction, Development and Stability in Balkans) which superseded PHARE. Furthermore, as of 2007, the country has started to receive IPA (Instrument for Pre-accession Assistance) scheme, which replaced the CARDS program. It has been considered that Macedonia has received approximately €500 million of financial aid between 2007 and 2012. (14)

The Stability and Association Agreement with the EU was signed on April 9th 2001 and Macedonia officially submitted its application for EU membership in March of 2004. In April 2004, the agreement was then entered into force. The country has gained the candidate status since December 2005 during the UK’s term in the rotating EU presidency. However, the conflicts with Greece over its name have substantially affected Macedonia’s relationships with the EU and progress has not been able to be made by this point due to the reason that Greece objects to negotiations. (15)

After the renaming of Skopje International Airport as “Skope Alexander the Great Airport”, “the naming dispute” has again caused a crisis between the two countries. This event resulted in Greek opposition to the Macedonia’s membership in NATO. As a result, the Skopje administration was not invited to be a member in NATO during the Bucharest Summit held on April 2-4th  2008. (16) On the other hand, Turkey as one of the most supportive actors of NATO membership for Macedonia (the other supporter being the U.S.A.), and Turkey additionally insists on use of footnotes within each document of organization specifying Turkey’s recognition of the country by its constitutional name as the “Republic of Macedonia” and its own national identity. (17) It is highly probable that Turkey would continue this policy in the future.

In recent years, the most important development in relations between EU and Macedonia was, along with Serbia and Montenegro, the country’s being granted the right of visa-free travel to most of European countries. (18) In 2009, the EU Council of Ministers advised Skopje to start accession negotiations. However, since the naming disputes with Greece could not be resolved, the Council did not set a date. EU governance described the naming dispute as a “bilateral issue” and stated that whether or not Skopje is ready for the accession negotiations is not bound with that particular issue. However, as a result of the reservations put by Greece by reason of the ongoing dispute with Macedonia, the EU’s decision to start accession negotiations with Skopje in December 2009 was delayed by the EU leaders until the March 2010 summit. (19)

In the declaration announced by the heads of states and governments of the Euro region countries in the European Council Spring Summit held on March 25-26th  2010, the factors relating to financial and economic stability were set forth. In this regard, the assistance to be provided for Euro region countries in general and for Greece in particular (to overcome the crisis that it has been experiencing) was determined. “Strategy of Europe 2020,” of which five basic objectives can be grouped under the headings of employment, research and development, climate and energy, education, and struggle against poverty and social exclusion, was approved during the summit. However, also in this summit was no result relating to Macedonia achieved and the Skopje government has been still waiting to receive a negotiation date from EU. (20)

Recently, Macedonia declared that it is ready to consider the proposal of the U.N. regarding the renaming of country in order to resolve the ongoing naming dispute with Greece. However, to do that, it will be required to hold a national referendum on the issue. The Macedonian Foreign Affairs Minister of the time, Antonio Milososki, announced that they might consider renaming the country as the “Republic of Macedonia (Skopje)” in the letter that he sent to U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon in March 2011. (21) On January 16-17 2012, separate meetings were held with Greece and Macedonia via U.N. mediation, but no result was achieved. U.N. mediator Matthew Nimetz, who met with Greece’s U.N. Ambassador Adamantios Vassilakis, and with Zoran Jolevski, U.S. Ambassador to Macedonia, described the talks as “helpful” and stated that they aimed at the best way to move the process forward in a constructive manner. (22)


Turkey - Macedonia Relations

After Macedonia had declared its independence in September 1991, Turkey officially recognized Macedonia on February 6th 1992 and has been the first country to send an ambassador to the country. (23) Macedonia, which is a landlocked country bordered by Serbia, Kosovo, Greece, Bulgaria and Albania, has endeavored to promote its relations with Ankara and established close relations with Turkey because of its problematic relations with Greece and the other neighbors. Turkey has supported Macedonia and tried to establish good relations with the country in order to provide for the security of the Turkish minority group living in Macedonia and maintaining the stability in the Balkans. In this period, relations in various areas such as economic, political and military fields have developed considerably between the two countries.

After the establishment of the Republic of Macedonia, an increase in high-level visits has also been observed between the two countries. For instance, Turkish Foreign Affairs Minister Hikmet Çetin paid an official visit to Macedonia in this period; Turgut Özal included Macedonia in his official trip to the region. Then in 1995, Turkish President Süleyman Demirel signed an “Agreement of Friendship and Cooperation” during his visit to Skopje. However, at the end of 1995, stagnation in relations had been experienced. The War in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the changes in regional balances after the Dayton Agreement had an effect on that. As from 1995, Macedonia started to develop its relations with Greece, with Greece beginning to increase its political and economical influence on this country. (25)

The status of the Turkish minority living in this country (whose population was 100,000 according to a 1994 census) also was an important factor. With the effect of moderate policy of Kiro Gligorov (who was elected as Macedonia’s first President on January 27th 1991), a positive attitude was exhibited towards minorities in the country, allowing minority groups to found their own parties and to access governance. In this context, after the transition to the multi-party system in 1992, the “Turkish Democratic Union” was established under the leadership of Erdoğan Saraç. (26) The “Union” that was later named the “Democratic Party of the Turks – DPT” (Demokratska Partija na Turcite, in Macedonian) has the characteristics of the first political organization of Macedonian Turks. DPT was represented by two deputies in Macedonia’s Parliament with 120 members in the elections of July 5th 2006. In the early elections held on June 1st 2008, it was represented by one deputy in the parliament and by one state minister in the government, as the partner of the “For Better Macedonia” coalition. This setup was mirrored again in the June 5 2011 elections. In 2011 elections, the “Party for the Movement of Turks in Macedonia,”  which was one of the other two parties representing Turkish minority, took part in the coalition of 16 parties, joining the “Social Democratic Union of Macedonia (Socijaldemokratski sojuz na Makedonija, SDSM, in Macedonian) but was not included in the deputy candidate lists.  The “Movement of National Unity of Turks in Macedonia,” which was founded in 2006, took part in the same coalition and General President Erdoğan Saraç and Assoc. Prof. Dr. Nazim Ibrahim were nominated as candidates. (28)

Macedonian Turks have not yet shown the expected success in Macedonian political life. Even though they acted more positively from Albanians and   participated in the independence referendum and  voted in favor of independence, they perceived  their not being counted among the “constituent elements of the state” negatively. Moreover, education issues and their not being represented with sufficient members in bureaucracy are also among the main concerns of Turkish minority. (29)

In the NATO summit held in Bucharest in April 2008, Turkey supported the membership of not only Macedonia in NATO, but also Albania and Croatia as well. At the request of Macedonia, the document entitled “Strategy for Reinforcement of Bilateral Relations Between the Republic of Turkey and the Republic of Macedonia” aiming to increase available cooperation opportunities in every area was signed by the two countries’ foreign ministers in Ankara during the Macedonian Foreign Minister Antonio Milososki’s official visit to Turkey in November 2008.  Moreover, close relations at parliamentarian level are continued within the framework of the works of Inter-parliamentary Friendship Group and the cooperation in the international platforms such as the OSCE and the European Council. (30)

Military Cooperation Between Turkey and Macedonia


As a beginning of military relations between the two countries, a “Security Protocol” was signed in Ankara on May 18th 1992. Military relations have been centering especially on military training assistance and on grants given for logistical support of the Macedonian army. Military training assistance is carried out in accordance with the “Military Training Cooperation Agreement” signed in 1994. Also, a “Defense Industry Cooperation Agreement” was signed between the two countries in April 1995. (31)

Since 1998, at least 82 Macedonian military personnel have received long-term training in several military schools in Turkey, such as the Turkish War Academy, the Military Academy, and the Gulhane Military Medical Academy (GATA). Moreover, short-term courses have been organized for about 550 Macedonian personnel in Partnership for Peace Center and the Center of Excellence Defense Against Terrorism. (32) Yet another development in military relations between the two countries was the access of 3,500 multinational NATO troops into Macedonia in order to disarm the Albanian militants (KLA) as of  August 17th 2001 after the cease-fire between Macedonian government and Albanian armed groups. A vanguard team of 150 troops, which was deployed by Turkish General Staff and will have operated under English command, began to negotiations with English commandership and Macedonian security units in Skopje. The mission of the Turkish troops was determined as trying to make sure that the Albanian militants lay down their arms voluntarily (33).

As from 1998, the total amount of grants given by Turkey in order to support the Macedonian army has exceeded $16 million. On October 14th 2011, Turkish General Staff granted military materials valued at approximately $900,000 in order to equip both the Macedonian Special Forces Battalion and the Logistic Support Battalion. The equipment donations was marked with a ceremony, and in a speech given at the ceremony, Turkey’s Ambassador to Skopje Gürol Sökmensüer stated that Turkey’s support for Macedonia’s membership in EU and NATO will increasingly continue in every platform. (34)

Relationships in the Areas of Education and Culture

As to educational relations with Macedonia, within the scope of Turkey’s “Great Student Exchange Project,” Macedonian students have been sent to Turkey every year to receive bachelors and master’s degrees as scholarship students in Turkish universities. Moreover, Turkey has been giving Macedonia scholarship quotas without giving any examination. It is stated that required attempts are being made in order to resolve problems which these students confront, such as recognition of their education certificates in their home countries and attaining residence permits in their guest countries. (35)

One of the developments experienced in cultural relations is the opening cultural centers in both countries on a reciprocal basis within the scope of “Program of Cultural Cooperation for 2009-2010” which was signed during Elizabeta Kanceska Milevska’s official visit to Turkey as the official guest of Minister of Culture and Tourism Ertugrul Gunay in April 2009 and come into force on 1 December 2009. Studies on the relevant draft protocol have been continuing. Yunus Emre Turkish Cultural Center which was opened by Turkey in Skopje has gone into action with a temporary status (36).

Another important matter in cultural relations is conservation, maintenance and restoration of approximately 500 Turkish historical artifacts. In this regard, several projects related to Ottoman artifacts have been carrying out with the financial and technical aids of Ministry of Culture and Tourism, Directorate of Religious Affairs and TIKA (Turkish Cooperation and Coordination Agency) (37).

TIKA Projects in Macedonia

Nowadays, with globalization and the changing sense of diplomacy, foreign affairs have become unmanageable for solely Foreign Affairs Ministries to handle. Especially in the post-Cold War period, states start to concentrate on soft power politics and public diplomacy in foreign policy. (38) TIKA (Turkish International Cooperation and Development Agency) works on development issues and furthering progress in developing countries, especially to the countries that are neighbors to Turkey and wherein the Turkish language is spoken. It aims to develop economical, commercial, technical, social, cultural, and educational cooperation with these countries through projects and programs. TIKA has also been carrying out its projects in Macedonia, and TIKA’s projects carried out until today include:

• Within the scope of the “Project of Modification and Furnishing of Schools,” the maintenance and repairing of 10 previously unusable schools which are located in different regions throughout the country. In cooperation with local municipalities, the project provided 3,600 students to get their education in healthy conditions.

• Since the clear-water reservoirs in Latsa Village in the Resne Municipality and Ocali Village in the Karbintsi Municipality could not meet local needs, new water pipelines have been installed and new water-systems have been built within the scope of “Projects of Drinking Water in Latsa and Ocali Villages.”

• For making a contribution to rural development and reinvigorating the economy of eastern Macedonia which was experiencing difficult economic circumstances, “Project of Development of Apiculture” has been carried out. At the end of the 3 year project, it is intended to provide a side income for 76 families by distributing honey-producing hives.

• With the aim of exhibiting the cultural artifacts and making contribution to cultural tourism, the Ministry of Culture and Tourism in cooperation with the Directorate of Turkish Religious Foundation, has been carrying out restoration of Skopje’s Mustafa Pasha Mosque, one of the most important remnants of 15th century Ottoman era.

• Within the scope of “Project of Bridge Construction in Aracinova Municipality,” the bridge linking Aracinova Municipality (which is located southeast of Skopje and is one of the smallest municipalities of the country with the population of 12,000 inhabitants) to Skopje Metropolitan Municipality has been reconstructed. (39)

Economic Relations Between Turkey and Macedonia

On  March 17th 1994, the Agreement of Trade and Economic Cooperation (March 17th 1994), the Prevention of Double Taxation Agreement (June 16th 1995), and the Agreement of Protection and Mutual Promotions of Investments (July 14th 1995) were all signed between Turkey and Macedonia. Moreover, the Free Trade Agreement was signed on September 7th 1999. (40) Turkey has supported the membership of Macedonia in the European Council and the OSCE on all occasions. Moreover, Turkey helped Macedonia to pay its debt to the World Bank by sending them oil and humanitarian aid during the period when Greece placed an embargo on this country. (41)

Considering the trade relations in the last years, exports to Macedonia fell by 7% in comparison with 2009 and remained at the value of $262.7 million in 2010. However, imports increased by 31% and achieved to $52.3 million. The bilateral trade volume decreased by 2% and stood at $315 million. (42)


Macedonia is included in the “East-West Highway Project (Via Egnatia)” that also includes Turkey. The project which was started in October 1995, aims to construct a 680 km highway linking Durres Port in Albania to Istanbul passing through Skopje, Sofia, and Varna. Construction of the Rrogozhine-Elbasan part, which is the Albanian part of the project that is expected to be an alternative route in Turkey’s connection to Europe, is being undertaken by Turkey. With this highway project, a direct link will be established between Istanbul and the Adriatic Sea, making it easier to transport Turkish export products to these markets. Moreover, landlocked Macedonia will find an opportunity to access to both seas. Thus, the importance of the Salonika Port of Greece will essentially be somewhat decreased. (43)


Economic relations between Turkey and Macedonia has remained limited in spite of the establishment of the “Turkish-Macedonian Business Council.” The activities of Turkish businessmen in this country have remained focused on trade. (44) In recent years, Turkish companies have been interesting in “Vardar Valley Project” including the construction of dam irrigation facilities which are expected to be valued at $3.2 billion. (45) The number of the Turkish companies making foreign direct investments in Macedonia is about 100, with a significant number of them being small and medium sized enterprises. The total amount of Turkish investments is about $180 million. (46)


Given that the Turkish companies such as the TAV have won the tenders in Macedonia (like TAV’s  2008 enlargement of the airports through the construction of the new terminal buildings throughout the country), the Şişecam Group has planned to start the production of glass containers in Macedonia in 2011, and the Borteknik Transport Sytems has signed an agreement with Macedonian Government for the purpose of making aluminum shapes production in Skopje’s Free Zone in 2011. In the event that these companies fulfill the investments which they have planned, it is expected that the total amount of the Turkish investments will reach up to $500 million in the medium term. Ziraat Bank however, which had carried out its activities in banking sector in Macedonia as a branch office from 1999 to 2008, continues its existence as Ziraat Bank AD by establishing a general directorate in Macedonia since 2008. It opened two new branches in the cities of Gostivar and Tetovo, and is among the most important Turkish investments in Macedonia. (47)

According to the statement of Turkish Foreign Economic Relations Board (DEIK), the most important problem encountered in economic relations is the frequent amendments of the relevant laws and regulations due to the efforts to adapt to international society, since there is still a long distance to be covered by the country in order to become aligned with international standards. The second problem is the discontinuity troubles which are experienced in the state bureaucracy, due to a near complete staff turnover once a new political administration is in power. Moreover, some difficulties are encountered in obtaining work and residence permits for personnel who are sent from Turkey to Macedonia, with the permission process taking a long periods of time. It is also stated that Turkish citizens cannot stay in Macedonia longer than 2 months without a visa and this causes disruptions in the activities of companies at times. (48)

A recent important development in economic relations is Turkish-Macedonian Business Council Meeting held in Istanbul on January 29th 2012. Macedonian Prime Minister Nikola Gruevski who states that trading volume between the two countries valued at $311 million in 2010 and achieved to $380 million in 2011, called for Turkish businessmen to make investments in his country. Turkish Ministry of Environment and Urban Planning Erdoğan Bayraktar said that it is necessary to improve economic relations between the two Cuntries.


The memberships of the region countries in international organizations are of capital importance in maintaining the stability of Balkans and in prevention of conflicts. The security provided by NATO as an international military organization, and economic, political and social integration and security provided by EU are important factors which are able to keep the region out of conflicts and disputes. Macedonia, after gaining its independence, verbalized its desire to be a member in international organizations and has pursued policies in this direction. However, due to “naming dispute” with Greece, it has been experiencing difficulties in this course. Greece has been objecting to the existence of the country since the country was established.

Turkey has historical, ethnic and cultural ties with so called troubled Balkans. These ties enable Turkey to take an active role in the Balkans and place Turkey in a strategically important position. Improvement of relations and trade between Turkey and the Balkan states is important for highway projects that will link the region to Europe and projects of oil and natural gas pipelines that will also transport energy products to Europe by passing through Turkey and the Balkans. For the continuation of the peace and stability in the region and the cooperation in all areas (trade, culture, military), Turkey is indispensable for the Balkans just as much as the Balkans are indispensable for Turkey.

As it was in the past, Turkey, as a Balkan region state, is closely following the region’s issues and determines its foreign policy in this manner. One of the most important reasons why Turkey has established close relationships with Macedonia is (was) her competition  with Greece in the Balkans. Turkey has maintained its position as a more potent actor over Greece by establishing good relations with Macedonia. On the other hand, Ankara’s having good relations with Macedonia (which houses a mostly Orthodox population) invalidates the criticisms made about Turkey’s making use of Islam for relations in the Balkans. (49)

Macedonia today is in a struggle for maintaining its territorial integrity and protecting its historical heritage. Today, it has been seeking to certify its identity that it has been for centuries. International actors, especially the EU and the US, support Macedonia and they take up positions in favor of them. Moreover, in a close future, it is expected that Macedonia will reach membership status in EU after Croatia and before Turkey. Consequently, in 21st century, what is left from a great empire beginning in the Balkans stretching to Asia Minor, Mesopotamia, the Persian Empire, Afghanistan and the Ganges River of India, is a country of 2 million struggling for recognition with its own historical name. Despite Greece, this small country that has a distinctive cultural structure and life standard as a civilization facing the West continues this struggle in the international arena today as it was throughout the history. Undoubtedly that Turkey will continue to support Macedonia for its internationally recognition, membership in international organizations and development, on account of their shared historical ties.


(1) Burnazovic, T. (2001). Bosna Orneginde ABD'nin Balkan Siyasetini Anlamak.

In O. E. Lutem, & B. D. Coskun (Eds.), Balkan Diplomasisi - Balkan Arastirmalari Dizisi 3 (E. Turkoglu, Trans., p. 280).

Ankara: Avrasya Stratejik Arastirmalar Merkezi Yayinlari.

(2)  Oran, B. (2001). Turk Dis Politikasi - Kurtulus Savasindan Bugune Olgular, Belgeler, Yorumlar (Vol. II, p.483). Istanbul: Iletisim Yayinlari.

(3)  Oran, B. , op. cit., p.491.

(4)  Ulger, I. K. (2006). Balkan Gelismeleri ve Turkiye: 1990'lı Yıllar. In I. Bal (Ed.), 21. Yuzyilda Turk Dis Politikasi (p. 269).

Ankara: Ankara Global Arastirmalar Merkezi Lalezar Kitabevi.

(5) Oran, B. , op. cit., p.492.

(6) The World Factbook. (2012). Retrieved January 11, 2012, from Central Intelligence Agency

Official Web Site: https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/mk.html

(7) Oran, B. , op. cit., p.492.

(8) Larousse, P. (1993). Genc Larousse Ansiklopedisi (Vol. IX, p. 2698). Istanbul: Gercek Yayincilik.

(9) Hatipoglu, M. M. (2001). Kurulusundan Gunumuze Makedonya Cumhuriyeti'nin

Dis Politikasi ve Balkan Ulkeleriyle Iliskileri (1991-2000). In O. E. Lutem, & B. D. Coskun (Eds.),

Balkan Diplomasisi - Balkan Arastirmalari Dizisi 3 (p. 165). Ankara: Avrasya Stratejik Arastirmalar Merkezi Yayinlari.

(10) T.C. Genelkurmay Baskanligi. (1970). Balkan Harbi (1912-1913) (Vol. I, pp.34-35). Ankara: Genelkurmay Basimevi.

(11) Uzgel, I. (2001-a). Makedonya Sorunu. In B. Oran (Ed.), Turk Dis Politikasi - Kurtulus Savasindan

Bugune Olgular, Belgeler, Yorumlar (Vol. II, p. 504). Istanbul: Iletisim Yayinlari.

(12) Ibid.

(13) Poulton, H. (2000). Who Are The Macedonians (pp. 177-178). Hong Kong: Indiana University Press.

(14) EurActiv. (2010). EU - Macedonia Relations. Retrieved January 5, 2012, from EurActiv

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(15) European Commission. (2010). EU - The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia Relations.

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(16)  Duridanski, D. (2011). Macedonia - Turkey:

The Ties That Bind. Retrieved January 5, 2012, from Balkan Insight

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(17)  Ibid.

(18)  EurActiv., op. cit.

(19)  IKV. (2011). Makedonya kamuoyunda isim sorunu AB butunlesmesinden daha onemli goruluyor.

Retrieved January 9, 2012, from Iktisadi Kalkinma Vakfi

Official Web Site: http://www.ikv.org.tr/images/upload/data/files/makedonya_kamuoyunda_isim_


(20)  IKV. (2010). IKV Degerlendirme Notu: AB Konseyi Zirvesi Yapildi.

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(21)  Balkan Gunlugu. (2011). Makedonya’da isim değişikliği için referandum.

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(22)  Echo, S. (2012). No Breakthrough in Macedonia Name Talks. Retrieved February 15, 2012, from BalkanInsight:


(23) Hatipoglu, M. M., op. cit., p.179.

(24) Oran, B. , op. cit., pp.505-506.

(25) Ibid., p.506.

(26) Ibid.

(27)  Makedonya Turk Demokratik Partisi. (n.d.).

Retrieved January 11, 2012, from http://www.tdp.org.mk/index.php?option=com_content&task=blogcategory&id=14&Itemid=29

(28)  Salih, E. (2011). Makedonya’da secimler oncesi Turk partileri iki bloga ayrildi.

Retrieved January 11, 2012, from Dogan News Agency: http://www.dha.com.tr/haberdetay.asp?Newsid=160502

(29)  Oran, B. , op. cit., p.506.

(30)  Republic of Turkey Ministry of Foreign Affairs. (2012). Turkiye-Makedonya Cumhuriyeti Siyasi Iliskileri.

Retrieved January 11, 2012, from Republic of Turkey Ministry of Foreign Affairs

Official Web Site: http://www.mfa.gov.tr/turkiye-makedonya-cumhuriyeti-siyasi-iliskileri-.tr.mfa

(31)  Oran, B. , op. cit., pp.505-506.

(32)  Turkish Embassy of Skopje. (2011). Askeri Hibe Toreni Konusma Metni.

Retrieved February 15, 2012, from Turkish Embassy of Skopje

Official Web Site: http://skopje.emb.mfa.gov.tr/ShowSpeech.aspx?ID=1644

(33)  NTVMSNBC. (2001). Turk Askeri Makedonya’da. Retrieved February 15, 2012,

from NTVMSNBC: http://arsiv.ntvmsnbc.com/news/100699.asp#BODY

(34) Turkish Embassy of Skopje., op. cit.

(35) Republic of Turkey Ministry of Foreign Affairs., op. cit.

(36) Ibid.

(37) Ibid.

(38)  Adiyaman, S. (2011). TİKA: Turkiye’nin Kuresel Dis Politika Enstrumani.

Retrieved December 27, 2011, from BİLGESAM:

Wise Men Center For Strategic Studies:


(39)  TIKA. (2011). Balkanlar ve Dogu Avrupa Proje ve Faaliyetler.

Retrieved December 27, 2011, from TİKA Official Web Site: http://store.tika.gov.tr/yayinlar/kurumsal-yayinlar/balkanlar_tr.pdf

(40)  DEİK. (2011-a). Turkiye-Makedonya Ticari ve Ekonomik Iliskileri.

Retrieved December 12, 2011, from DEİK (Foreign Economic Relations Board):


(41)  Oran, B. , op. cit., p.506.

(42)  DEİK., op. cit.

(43)  Uzgel, I. (2001-b). Bati-Dogu Otoyol Projesi. In B. Oran (Ed.),

Turk Dis Politikasi-Kurtulus Savasindan Bugune Olgular, Belgeler, Yorumlar (p. 505). Istanbul: Iletisim Yayinlari.

(44)  DEİK. (2011-b). Turk-Makedon Ticari ve Ekonomik Iliskileri.

Retrieved December 27, 2011, from DEİK (Foreign Economic Relations Board):


(45)  Oran, B. , op. cit., p.506.

(46)  DEİK. (2011-b), op. cit.

(47)  Ibid.

(48)  Ibid.

(49)  Oran, B. , op. cit., p.506.

Translated by Yonca Yalçın Çakmaklı

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